Wednesday, January 18, 2006

Man Tied to Oklahoma City Bombing to Be Freed


Michael Fortier, the prosecution's star witness in the Oklahoma City bombing trials, will be freed this week, more than a year before his sentence was scheduled to end.
Survivors of the 1995 attack and relatives of the 168 victims received a letter from the Bureau of Prisons this week indicating Fortier's release date of Friday.
''He's the luckiest man in the world,'' said Paul Heath, who was on the fifth floor of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building when the bomb exploded outside. ''Fortier, by being willing to do a plea bargain, won the Powerball lottery of the justice system.''
Bureau of Prisons spokeswoman Traci Billingsley said Wednesday she had no information about Fortier to release.
As part of his deal with prosecutors, Fortier testified against bombing conspirators Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols at their federal trials and later at Nichols' state murder trial.
He was sentenced to 12 years and ordered to pay $200,000 in fines after pleading to having prior knowledge of the bombing plan but not alerting authorities, to helping McVeigh and Nichols move and sell stolen guns, and to lying to federal authorities.
Fortier's sentence likely was shortened because of good behavior and for time served before his formal sentence in 1998, said Irven Box, an attorney who covered the trial as a legal analyst for KWTV in Oklahoma City.
McVeigh was executed June 11, 2001. Nichols was convicted on both federal and state charges and is serving a life sentence without the possibility of parole.
Family members of some bombing victims say Fortier's role in the April 19, 1995, plot was peripheral and they believe justice was served.
''I think he's served enough time,'' said Bud Welch, whose daughter Julie was killed while she worked at the Social Security office in the building. ''I hope he's in line to be a good citizen now.''
Jim Denny, whose two children were seriously injured in the bombing, said he also believes Fortier should be released.
''McVeigh already got his punishment, and Nichols will be in prison for the rest of his life,'' Denny said. ''Let this guy get out and get on with his life.''
Fortier, 37, and his wife, Lori, both testified against McVeigh and Nichols and acknowledged assisting the two in their plan to blow up the building, said McVeigh's attorney, Stephen Jones.
''It's intellectually indefensible to say that they weren't conspirators, because they were. Their own testimony indicates that,'' Jones said. ''They knew the date, time and place of the bombing and both of them assisted materially.''
Jones said Lori Fortier testified that she helped make a false identification card that McVeigh used to rent the truck used in the bombing. Lori Fortier was granted complete immunity for her testimony and never served any prison time.

Supreme Court Steers Clear of First Abortion Case in 5 Years

WASHINGTON, Jan. 18 - In its first abortion ruling in six years, the Supreme Court issued a unanimous decision on Wednesday that reaffirmed the need to include an exception for medical emergencies in a law that restricts teenagers' access to abortion. The decision told a lower court to reconsider its ruling that struck down, in its entirety, a New Hampshire law that fails to include such an exception. "We try to limit the solution to the problem," Justice Sandra Day O'Connor said in her opinion for the court, instructing the lower court to consider invalidating the law only as it applies to those few teenagers who need an immediate abortion for medical reasons.
"We do not revisit our abortion precedents today," Justice O'Connor declared in the opening words of what is likely to be her last opinion for the court. The studiously bland 10-page opinion carefully sidestepped the abortion debate that has been such a prominent feature of public discourse about the court's future.
The hiatus may be brief, however. At their conference on Friday, the justices are scheduled to take up the Bush administration's appeal of a lower court ruling that declared unconstitutional a federal law, the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act of 2003.
That case, on which the court had deferred action until the New Hampshire case was decided, presents issues that may not be so easily avoided. Further, the federal case, if the court agrees to hear it, would be argued after Justice O'Connor's departure. She was part of the 5-to-4 majority that struck down a Nebraska precursor of the federal law in 2000, so her successor, likely to be Judge Samuel A. Alito Jr., could be in a position to cast the deciding vote.
In the New Hampshire decision on Wednesday, the justices accepted the finding by two lower federal courts that the New Hampshire law was constitutionally deficient in not making explicit provisions for pregnant teenagers facing a medical emergency. The law requires notice to a parent, followed by a 48-hour waiting period, before a doctor can perform an abortion on a girl under the age of 18.
Where the justices differed from the Federal District Court in Concord, N.H., and the United States Court of Appeals for the First Circuit, in Boston, was on how to remedy the absence of a medical-emergency provision. The two lower courts had barred enforcement of the entire statute, even for the great majority of teenagers for whom the lack of an exception is not relevant.
The choice of this "most blunt remedy" was unjustified, Justice O'Connor said, when a "more finely drawn" remedy might be more consistent with the intent of the Legislature, which passed the law in 2003.
Consequently, the Supreme Court vacated the appeals court's decision and ordered it to examine which option the Legislature would have preferred: a statute with an emergency exception, or no enforceable parental-notice law at all. "We try not to nullify more of a legislature's work than is necessary," Justice O'Connor said, adding that "the touchstone for any decision about remedy is legislative intent."
If the decision, Ayotte v. Planned Parenthood of Northern New England, No. 04-1144, turns out to be Justice O'Connor's last, it will be a fitting coda to a 25-year tenure in which she often played a pivotal role in the court's abortion jurisprudence.
Perhaps Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. had that idea in mind when he assigned her the opinion after the case was argued on Nov. 30. It was evident from that argument that the justices were looking for a narrow way to decide the case and were setting aside, at least for the moment, whatever passion they bring to the abortion debate. Justice O'Connor's opinion embodied that collective judgment, whether under the guiding hand of the new chief justice or due to a confluence of individual responses.
A unanimous decision last week, rejecting state immunity from some lawsuits by disabled prison inmates, reflected a similar desire to rule narrowly and avoid hard issues for now.
However the New Hampshire decision was reached, "the decision preserves the status quo while the court is in transition," said Clarke D. Forsythe, senior attorney for Americans United for Life, a public interest law firm that litigates against abortion.
Mr. Forsythe filed a brief in the New Hampshire case on behalf of the legislative sponsors of the New Hampshire law, the Parental Notification Prior to Abortion Act. In an interview, he said the answer to the question that Justice O'Connor's opinion posed to the lower courts was "absolutely clear."
Rather than have no parental-notice law at all, he said, the sponsors would accept an exception for medical emergencies, a choice he said they made clear by including a clause in the statute providing that if any application of the law was found to be invalid, "such invalidity shall not affect the provisions or applications" as to which there was no problem.
By including this language, known as a severability clause, the sponsors "practically anticipated" the court's decision, he said. An opposite brief, on behalf of 153 New Hampshire legislators who opposed the parental-notice law, was filed in support of the plaintiffs, a doctor and three medical clinics. Those legislators said the debate over the bill made clear that the sponsors wanted to test the Supreme Court's abortion precedents and "would have preferred to have no law rather than a law that contains a medical emergency exception in it." Jennifer Dalven, a lawyer for the American Civil Liberties Union, who argued the case for the plaintiffs in the Supreme Court, said in an interview that the sponsors "very clearly did not want a health exception" and predicted that the lower courts would once again bar enforcement of the entire statute.
"We're very happy that the court reaffirmed the need for a medical emergency exception," Ms. Dalven said, adding that the.